Talking-and-thinking  points from the report ‘Sustainable and inclusive innovation – strategies for  tomorrow’s world’ by CII-ITC CESD – part 2

So, what is the best strategy to go about doing ‘sustainable  and inclusive innovations’, or SI2? There are six areas of strategic  intervention, as discussed here.

High asset use
High asset use or high throughput is achieved through  standardization in processes, enabling huge cost reduction, uniform quality  output and sufficiency to scale and replicate.

The healthcare sector in any developing country is a fitting  case for demonstration of the opportunities for SI2. Though many countries have  made rapid progress, unhealthy statistics suggest the volume of work still left  to be done even as it indicates the opportunities. For instance, India alone  has more than six million blind people and more than 50 million malnourished  children. India has one of the world’s highest rates of maternal death in
childbirth. Around the world, some 400,000 women and girls die each year from  pregnancy and childbirth, and India accounts for almost a quarter of these  maternal deaths, the vast majority preventable. According to a UN report, of  the 358,000 maternal deaths in 2008, the majority were from 11 developing  countries. (Trends in Maternal Mortality, United Nations Population Fund  (UNFPA), World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Children’s Fund  (UNICEF), and the World Bank, 2010)

The healthcare sector is marred with its problems. Doctors  and nurses are in short supply; healthcare centres are under-equipped and  under-staffed, at times making them useless facilities; healthcare finance is  inaccessible; drugs and treatment are expensive; and the physical distance  between a patient and the hospital is huge. Yet, amid all these constraints, a  few healthcare providers in India are establishing new global standards for  cost, quality and delivery. They do it by sidestepping conventional approaches to medical practice.

Through its process-driven model, LifeSpring Hospital has  developed an easily replicable model ensuring scalability and supporting rapid  expansion. LifeSpring Hospitals are a network of maternity and child healthcare
hospitals that provides high-quality, low-cost maternal services to low-income  women with clear and transparent pricing. It is a joint venture between the  public-sector company Hindustan Latex Ltd and the US-based philanthropic  funding agency Acumen Fund. LifeSpring aims to serve as a model for providing  high-quality maternal and child health services to the poor in India and  worldwide.

Through its model of small hospitals (20-25 beds) and prices  significantly below market rates, LifeSpring has achieved financial  sustainability and social impact. The first LifeSpring Hospital opened in 2005  on the outskirts of Hyderabad in Moula Ali; it broke even and became profitable  in less than two years of operations. The hospital network has already served  more than 25,000 low-income patients, mostly from families working in the
informal sector.

LifeSpring cut costs by standardizing its procedures,  trimming expenses, increasing volume, reducing staff attrition rates and using  a cross-subsidy model for three types of wards (general, semiprivate and  private). Additionally, it substantially increased the typical hospital use  rates of key assets, ranging from diagnostic machines to the obstetricians  themselves. Most LifeSpring hospitals are taken on long leases (15-20 years)
from players who could not run them. The lease model saves hugely on land  costs.

LifeSpring’s focus on a particular niche – maternal and  child care – cuts down on the need for many specialist doctors and also on the  range of equipment needed. It refers the more difficult cases to other  hospitals, even if it means turning away customers. The equipment as well as  the service is on a no-frills basis. Standardization in clinical procedures and  kits brings down costs, too. It allows the network’s facilities to average  eight times more procedures than other private clinics. Thus, its operating  theatres accommodate 22-27 procedures each week compared to between four and  six in a private clinic. It uses a narrow range of drugs and equipment for  large numbers of repeat procedures and thus purchases standard equipment and  generic medicines in bulk.

LifeSpring is aggressive in marketing, has low OPD fees and  is located very close to urban slums. All these generate high footfalls. This  increase in traffic allows LifeSpring to use doctors more efficiently;  consultancy firm Monitor estimates that its doctors, on an average, perform  17-26 surgeries per month, which is four times as many operations as their  peers outside. So, the network’s medical cost per patient is just a quarter of  what a private hospital spends. LifeSpring doctors earn fixed salaries rather than the variable consulting fees of their private clinic peers. Doctors,  nevertheless, have strong non-monetary incentives to stay; for example, less  administrative duties, more clinical practice.

LifeSpring hires less qualified auxiliary nurse midwives  (ANMs) rather than graduate nurse midwives (GNMs). The former are trained as  birth attendants. But because the ANMs are less qualified, they are less costly  to employ than GNMs, whose degrees are more advanced and expensive to attain.  Moreover, their attrition rate too is low.

Further, a tiered pricing model helps its commercial  viability. Women, for instance, can choose to give birth in a general ward,  semi-private room, or private room. LifeSpring’s general ward, which makes up  70 per cent of each hospital, is 30-50 per cent cheaper than comparable market  rates; its private room is at par with the rest of the market. Normal  deliveries cost only around Rs 2,000 ($40). That includes the cost of a two-day  stay in the hospital and the medicines. Caesarean operations cost Rs 7,000  ($140) at LifeSpring – just a fifth of what is charged outside. That is more  than the official rate at public hospitals”which are supposed to be free though  they often require undisclosed payments”and only about a sixth of the price at  a private clinic.

LifeSpring plans to launch 22 more such hospitals in the  next 20 months at a cost of $4 million. It is also evaluating a franchise model  in hopes of scaling up rapidly to 150 hospitals over the next two years.  LifeSpring’s marketing approach is multifaceted, consisting of its outreach  teams, voucher programmes, health camps and word of mouth. To generate high  patient volume, it targets key decision-makers in maternity matters – husbands  and mothers-in-law – and has a dedicated community outreach team that  customizes its message, depending on whether the woman has had an institutional  delivery before, and if so, where. It also focuses heavily on customer  retention and referrals – even operating a ‘pull’ programme that gives every  inpatient a voucher, good for one outpatient visit, to distribute to friends  and family. The low-cost outpatient department plays a vital role in attracting  mothers by providing a showcase for services, including women’s health and  paediatrics. A visit costs Rs 50 ($1), in contrast to a private clinic’s Rs  100-Rs 300. Moreover, it posts a price list outside the hospital, creating  consumer awareness and confidence of transactional transparency.

LifeSpring’s innovation was figuring out how to deliver  world-class care – it is ISO 9001 certified – at a price that many of the poor could  afford and that also made economic sense. Its high throughput/high asset use  business model is vastly more productive than that of its counterparts. The  LifeSpring model is scalable for obvious reasons: it targets densely populated  urban and peri-urban areas, offers a value proposition superior to competitors  and, although more expensive than government hospitals, provides superior  service, has a demonstrably no-frills cost-and-profit structure, and is  verifiably replicable.

Gyan Shala (Hindi for ‘a school of knowledge/wisdom’) is an  NGO provider of primary education to the poor based in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, in  the western part of India. Its 330 one-room schools, located primarily in the  slum districts, teach about 8,000 children in grades 1-3 at a monthly cost of  $3, roughly a quarter of the cost of a government school and about a sixth of  the cost of a recognized private school. School budgets are often subsidized by  third-party funds to ensure affordability. Most parents pay Rs 30 ($0.60) per  month per student, their monthly earning being between Rs 2,000 and Rs 6,000  ($40-$120) per month.

The performance of Gyan Shala schools is remarkable at the  uncommonly low cost. Test results show Gyan Shala students outperforming  students from the best government schools in Gujarat in every category, even  when the government school children tested were a grade above. (Leigh L. Linden, ‘Complement or Substitute? The Effect of Technology on Student  Achievement in India’, 2008, unpublished working paper)

Gyan Shala is implementing a radically engineered teaching  methodology that focuses on learning processes. It has created a teaching model  that includes standardized curriculum and lesson plans. These are supplemented  by learning aids and continuous monitoring of classroom processes for regular  staff feedback. Gyan Shala has significantly higher course-material costs – Rs  30 per child as against Rs 3 – than the typical private school.  This is central to the Gyan  Shala model, as extensive proprietary course materials reinforce the lesson and  make it possible for junior teachers to succeed.

The design and management teams are highly skilled and  compensated with high wages. But their cost is spread over 300 classrooms.  Standardization facilitates teaching by junior teachers, which together keep  costs low. Most of the savings on wages are made on account of the junior  teachers’ salaries, who are paid Rs 1,000 ($20) a month for working three hours  a day. Conversely, the amount spent on teachers’ wages is less than a third of
that in a private school – Rs 56 (just over $1) compared to Rs 105 (just over  $2) per day. (ibid.)

Gyan Shala keeps cost competitively low mainly by keeping  the share of teacher cost only at around 35 per cent of total cost, while in  other competitive alternatives, the teacher cost is in excess of 85 per cent.  The unit cost of a teacher in Gyan Shala is around 20 per cent of the salary  paid in the main competitive alternative. Junior teachers are recruited from  the community in which the school is located. They typically have a high school  education and grade five skills in mathematics and language, but lack the  formal pedagogical qualifications required of government teachers.

The use of local women is advantageous: local teachers tend  to relate better to their young charges and increase children’s willingness to  learn. Renting single-classroom rooms in local slums improves accessibility and  increases female enrolment rates, and creates a ‘smaller size’ offering.  Moreover, providing junior teachers with formal employment improves their  status within the community and increases both their earnings and their future  earnings potential – a far cry from their usual alternatives of working as  domestic servants or garment pieceworkers. (Karamchandani A, Kubzansky M,  Frandano P, Emerging Markets, Emerging Models, Monitor Group, March 2009)

Process re-engineering
Process re-engineering breaks a process into highly  efficient subparts and creates specialists for each sub-part, thus opening up  areas for cost reduction.

The Narayana Hrudayalaya (NH) Cardiac Care Centre, located  in Bangalore, is one of the world’s largest providers of heart surgery and  other forms of cardiac care, including care for children. A private  corporation, it was founded in 2001. Since then, it has grown to a 1,000-bed  facility. Founded by cardiologist Dr Devi Shetty, NH has re-invented the way  cardiac healthcare is perceived around the globe. Dr Shetty believes his  success can lead to a new healthcare model not only for India but perhaps also  for the world.

‘The first heart surgery was done over a hundred years ago  but even today, only 8 per cent of the world’s population can afford heart  operations,’ Shetty notes. ‘In India, around 2.5 million people require heart  surgeries every year but all of (the country’s doctors) put together perform  only 80,000 to 90,000 surgeries a year… We clearly need to re-look and change  the way things are being done.’ (http://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/india/article.cfm?articleid=4493
[accessed on 31 July 2010])

In NH, patients are charged a flat $1,500 (about Rs 75,000)  for heart surgeries, compared to $4,500 (about Rs 225,000) that other heart  hospitals charge on an average. These numbers get all the more interesting when  it is compared with the US, where an average heart surgery costs $45,000 (about  Rs 2,250,000). The core idea of ‘affordable’ healthcare is made available to  remote villages as a result of innovation in internal process. Despite helping  so many poor patients, NH is known for being so efficient that it has a higher  profit margin (7.7 per cent after tax) than most US private hospitals (6.9 per  cent). (Martha Lagace, ‘Entrepreneurial Hospital Pioneers New Model’, Online  web page of Harvard Business school, at http://hbswk.hbs.edu/item/4585.html  [accessed on 24 October 2010])

NH’s model is based on staffing doctors, who  are extremely well-trained and dedicated, yet are willing to take a 50 per cent  pay cut compared to what they can earn in the West.

The first element of process innovation comes from what is  known as a ‘vertical’ approach towards specialization. Doctors here are highly  specialized in cardiology, which means they can perform a specific aspect in a  much better and faster way than other doctors with generic skills. This  specialty helps NH attract patients, motivated healthcare professionals and  donors. This super-specialization is way different from services offered by  what are popularly known as ‘multi-specialty hospitals’, which treat a variety  of diseases.

If super-specialization was the first element at NH, the  second is about de-skilling a few elements in the cardiac healthcare in such a  way that it results in dramatic time savings. NH recruits women with high  school education and trains them in taking echocardiograms of patients, a task  generally performed by trained doctors. This enables doctors at the centre to  perform more immediate and complex activities. With these innovations around
internal processes, NH performs 30 surgeries per day compared with four to five  performed by other major hospitals. This ‘high volume’ helps NH to reduce the  cost of its services, thus attracting more patients and enabling the business  to grow.

In addition, NH staff has the capability to do a large  number of different cardiac procedures. The hospital’s mortality rate of around  2 per cent and hospital-acquired infection rate of 2.8 per 1,000 ICU days are  comparable to the best hospitals across the world. In an article in Forbes  India, CK Prahalad said the mortality rate in NH is ‘much lower than in New  York state for similar kinds of heart diseases.’

In order to have a wider reach with its patients, NH has  partnered with ISRO to run tele-cardiology programmes. Such programmes have  been implemented in the remote areas of the northeastern states of Tripura and  Nagaland, and in the south Indian state of Karnataka, using the INSAT  satellite. While ISRO provides the software, hardware and communication  equipment as well as satellite bandwidth for the programme, the specialty  hospital provides the infrastructure and manpower, and maintains the system.  The telemedicine network has since grown into 165 hospitals and has treated  over 70,000 heart patients.

Technology  empowerment
One of the best ways of adding value to customer proposition  and reducing costs while identifying suitable revenue streams is putting  technology into the hands of the user.

Low-cost treatment at hospitals is one part of the solution  to providing healthcare to the poor. The other problem is that of  accessibility. Most populations in developing countries live in rural and  semi-urban areas. They are difficult to reach, especially when doctors are scarce  (for instance, in India, the ratio of physicians to the total population is  less than 1 per 100,000 people, compared with about 1 per 160 people in the  US). People in the rural areas have to walk many kilometres to reach a doctor  for basic healthcare. As a result, not many people attend to their medical  needs in the early stage of the disease cycle. Consequently, they reach the  doctor only when their condition becomes serious. This results in increased  expenditure, pulling people back into poverty. About 20 million families get  pushed below the poverty line every year because of healthcare expenditures alone.

Installing medical equipment in villages has its share of  challenges. The alternate is to establish the right kind of reach into the  village. This is what remote medical diagnostics (ReMeDi) does by setting up  kiosks in villages. A kiosk is a place where the necessary equipment exists and  there is a knowledgeable person to operate it. Developed by Neurosynaptic  Communications, ReMeDi comprises a device integrated with audio-video  conferencing software. The device runs on two watts of power and the  audio-video conferencing runs at 32 kilobits per second. It also runs over  reliable telephone lines or normal modems. An integrated patient-record centre  helps doctors in recording all health-related issues of a patient.
(http://www.neurosynaptic.com/index.html)

ReMeDi measures four vital signs: temperature, blood  pressure, heart beat and blood oxygenation. Trained operators at its  internet-enabled kiosks transmit the patients’ readings to doctors, who make  preliminary diagnoses and can issue prescriptions. When real-time bandwidth is  more than 32 kilobits per second, stethoscope sound is heard in real time when  a chest piece is put on a patient. Suitably instructed by a doctor at the other  end of the line, the operator can place a stethoscope on patient’s chest. Such  placements are visible on a chart to a doctor and this procedure can be easily  implemented if the operator is given suitable basic training.

ReMeDi’s acceptability rate or return patient rate is about  40 per cent. More importantly, about 75 per cent of its patients did not have  to travel to another town to meet their healthcare needs. There is a great  amount of affordability, because this model allows patients to get access to  healthcare for less than a dollar.

Technology is going to be a game changer. If people are  provided with high innovation at low cost, they will become more productive and  efficient, and their earning potential will increase. Lives not only in the  developing world, but also in the developed world, can be improved just by  making this technology affordable and accessible.

Price modelling
Rethinking price points and breaking these into affordable  units can radically increase affordability of a product or service.

Aakash Ganga (AG), or River from Sky, is a rainwater  harvesting system currently installed in six drought-prone villages in  Rajasthan, the driest state in India. Founded by BP Agrawal, the AG system  rents rooftops from homeowners and channels the rooftop rainwater through  gutters and pipes to a network of underground storage reservoirs. This network  of reservoirs is designed to provide 10-12 litres of water daily to every  person in an entire village for a year. It has helped over 10,000 villagers  gain access to clean water. Agrawal is now working with local, state and  national governments for widespread adoption of AG.

Agrawal created a simple, self-sustaining execution plan –  villagers rent their rooftops to others, enabling them to sell water and  collect what they view as ‘free money’. Almost 70 per cent of the harvested  water is sold or used for individual families; the rest goes to horticulture.  This dramatically improves sanitation, creates revenue to compensate each  entrepreneur, and covers operating costs. Additionally, the access to drinking  water frees time for girls to attend school and for women to be more  economically productive.

‘AG demonstrates an alternative model that provisions water  in lieu of the typical inefficient, poorly performing public-works projects.  Agrawal’s system functions as a hybrid of a social enterprise and a  public-private-community partnership, and takes great care to be attentive to  social issues surrounding caste, class and gender.’

(‘Aakash Ganga: Saving Water for a Rainy Day’, India  Knowledge@Wharton,  http://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/india/article.cfm?articleid=4397 [accessed  20 July 2010])

Micro distribution

Engaging community people in the distribution channel  increases credibility, accessibility and offers a captive consumer base.

HUL (Hindustan Unilever) has for years been a market leader  in personal care products, riding on India’s rising middle class and then  introducing a wide range of brands appealing to low-income market segments. But  by the end of the 1990s, margins were shrinking and competition had increased;  HUL needed to find new markets and new growth. Rural India was approaching an  inflection point; the challenge was to turn it into an opportunity.

HUL set up a taskforce with a clear mission: devise a model  that could break the affordability and accessibility barriers of hundreds of  millions, mainly in the rural areas, in a manner that would add value to their  lives much beyond becoming consumers of its FMCG products. The taskforce  members began to envision a business model centred on partnerships with the  government-supported and micro-credit-financed village self-help groups. This
venture, called the Shakti Initiative, was to reach out to micro-entrepreneurs,  identifying and training a sales force termed the ‘Shakti Ammas’. These women –  who had little or no business skills – were to act as direct representatives  for HUL in their villages.

This was for the first time that HUL ventured into managing  business at a micro scale. For the company, it was a radical idea on many  levels. It had to break the mindset that it was not viable to go directly to a  village with just 2,000 residents. The team knew it needed to build an  appropriate platform, so it worked to clearly define the target customer. The  other was a realization that it could give something back to society on a large  scale in a mutually beneficial manner. Ultimately, members arrived at a  surprising customer value proposition: Shakti was not really about delivering  products to the end user; it was about delivering a business opportunity.

The Shakti Ammas were the new business partners. HUL focused  on the channel, delivering adequate training and support to ensure their  profitability. Success of HUL was dependent on success of every member of the  channel. By defining the direct representative as the customer and focusing the  value proposition on giving her a viable business opportunity, HUL built a  model designed for long-term growth that was difficult for competitors to  replicate. Though rival Nirma, an Indian consumer and industrial products  company, had beaten HUL to the direct sales approach, HUL hoped its unique  focus on a partner network model would give it an infrastructure and expertise  that differentiated the company in the rural market.

Early on, Shakti team members realized that the profit  formula for this new model would have to tolerate low margins as the offerings  gained a foothold in communities unaccustomed to purchasing branded products.  They expected these margins to be balanced by increased volume, and they also  included the social benefit of the enterprise in their metrics for success, a  position supported by HUL’s corporate leadership. To test the assumptions  underlying the Shakti model, HUL started in only one region. Just 17 women  began selling hand soap, shampoo and a small list of other products in their  village market, and then increasingly went door-to-door.

Training Shakti Ammas – women with varying levels of  education – required HUL to innovate its training programmes. Thus, the Shakti  team created training audio cassettes and invited the women to attend classroom  programmes in the nearest locations. In some cases, the Shakti team hired  troupes of local actors to travel from village to village performing comedic  skits – a live commercial extolling brand messages. These have been traditional  methods of awareness raising and rural marketing in deep pockets of rural  India.

Many of those messages focused on the benefits of increased  hygiene. Teaching a rural population the benefits of washing hands before  eating – thus decreasing intestinal infections, a leading cause of childhood  mortality – gave the Ammas increased social stature because they provided an  important benefit to the village.

However, getting their products to remote villages required  further innovation in distribution. Many of the target markets lacked paved  roads. At first, Shakti leveraged HUL’s existing rural distribution network,  arranging drop-off points for the Ammas to pick up stocks on carts towed by  bicycles. As it incubated the model, however, the team found that it was more  efficient to develop entrepreneurs in geographic clusters. By reducing the  number of drop-off points, local distributors made higher profits, and Shakti  could decrease stock requirements, which in turn increased efficiency and  resource velocity.

By 2007, the model had been refined and tested extensively.  Shakti expanded to include 45,000 Shakti Ammas, covering more than 100,000  villages across 15 states in the country, and reaching over 3 million homes.  For their villages, the Shakti Ammas bought the equivalent of almost $100  million worth of consumer goods from HUL in 2008.

Thus, Shakti became the engine of transformational growth  for HUL, dramatically increasing its rural penetration and adding new  perspectives, capabilities and expertise to the parent company. HUL has nearly  tripled its sales and profits over the last five years. (Hindustan Unilever, 10  June 2009, Annual Statements)